The same question is on everyone's mind in Seqiz, Jîna's hometown

NEWS CENTER - In Jîna Emin's hometown of Seqiz, children ask their mothers, "Did you ever think that the same could happen to us when we reach Jîna's age?" Evînar Seqiz says, "Everyone who floods into Jîna's tomb has questions about those children."
Seqiz city of Rojhilat, one of the ancient cities, has the characteristic of being the city where the starting of the actions that have affected the whole of Iran and Rojhilat for two and a half months. Being the center of transformation and change, Seqiz has been involved in many political and social movements from past to present. This city with a population of approximately 200,000, which stood up together with Jîna Emini, who was beaten in custody and lost her life on September 16, became the first city where the slogan "Jin Jiyan Azadî" was chanted, which brought all Iran together on a common ground. Since September 17, when Jîna was laid to rest, shopkeepers have been closing their shutters every Saturday and Wednesday.
I want to know if there is a chance to meet with Jîna Emin's family through the people I contacted before I went to the city. I'm on my way to Seqiz, hoping to see the family after a two-day wait. When we reach the city, we have not yet received a clear answer from the person we contacted, so I first wander around the city. As in other cities, the crossed out inscriptions in Seqiz draw attention. The crowded traffic on the street where the courthouse and Peyamnur University are located draws attention. While it was progressing slowly, after a while, a driver from the opposite side said that the road was closed and the students were walking with slogans.
We are meeting with a citizen from Seqiz who contacted Jîna Emin's family on our behalf. Stating that the regime pressure on the family has increased especially after tens of thousands of people marched on Jîna's 40th day ceremony, the mediator says that the family home is under surveillance, so they still have not received a clear answer for the meeting. I say that we can meet at another house and he gets in touch again. After waiting for about two hours, I learned that it was not possible for the family to meet because their house was under surveillance, and that someone who came to their house turned down the request for an interview because they were afraid that something would happen to them. The agent says that they also do not have the opportunity to go out and meet in another house. When I request to visit Jîna's grave, I get the warning that a camera system has been installed in the cemetery, it is not safe, two tourists who visited Iran a few days ago were arrested for visiting Jîna's grave, so it would not be appropriate for me to go to the cemetery. Despite this, I go all the way to the entrance of the tomb outside the city, at least for the image of the people walking to the tomb on the 40th of Jina to come to mind in my mind. This cemetery, which is 5 kilometers from the city center on the Bane road, is called "Ayçi Cemetery" by the people because of the name of the village near it. But the official sign of the cemetery says "Muhammadi Cemetery".
When I couldn't meet with Jîna's family, I met with Evînar Seqiz (he wanted this name to be used instead of his real name for security reasons), who has been involved in the protests since the first day and was among the crowd on the 40th day of Jîna. Evînar talks about the treatment she faced while she lived in Tehran, as well as her actions and goals that have taken over Iran for the last two months.
Stating that she also worked in Tehran for a while after the establishment of Gaşt e İrshad and witnessed many things, Evînar Seqiz said: "My friends at the workplace where I worked were often talking about Gaşt e İrshad. In fact, once a woman was on the verge of dying as a result of violence. Another woman went crazy with the blows she received on the head and was said to have disappeared after a while. She was an acquaintance of my friends at work and they talked about the fact that even her family couldn't express this situation. Of course, these were terrible things for me. And years passed, a Kurdish woman was beaten to death. However, the family was over it. The family didn't cover it up and took care of their daughters. Yes, the Kurds are under great pressure, but when something happens to us, we can be the only voice. The people also did not leave that family alone and took care of Jîna. As a Kurdish woman, I cannot accept this insult, therefore, from day one "I'm trying to stay with the family."
Explaining that she both sent condolences to Jîna and attended the commemoration for her 40th, Evînar Seqiz said: "Of course, the father resisted a lot. He was even kept under surveillance for a long time. Therefore, the father made a speech and thanked everyone and said that he did not want the situation to get worse. There people said to the father What could be worse than this? What happened to your daughter today will happen to them tomorrow. I asked myself if there is any guarantee that what happened to Jîna will not happen to me as a woman. Yes, I am here today for Jîna, but I am also here for myself. That's why I said that this objection should become more widespread. Then Jîna's aunt (his uncle's wife) came, thanked everyone and gave a speech like this: 'We faced great pressure in Tehran, but we resisted. We were sure that the people would stand by us. For this reason, we did not bury the body on the same day and brought it together with its soil. We must not forget that we, as ordinary people, as a Kurd and as a Kurdish woman, are oppressed three times. This is why our objection is so high."
Evînar Seqiz, when I asked about the slogan "Jin Jiyan Azadî" rising at the grave of Jîna Eminî, says: "Jin Jiyan Azadî is not just a slogan with a pleasing rhythm. There is no doubt that there is a strong philosophy behind it. And for this philosophy to become widespread, the Kurdish people have spent many years resisting under this slogan, establishing its academies, and striving to spread this consciousness in the society with workshops. It had to be shouted at the grave of Jîna in Rojhilat in a very important and necessary environment. It was the right time for this slogan and therefore it had a wide resonance. We need to strive to make it more widespread."
Evînar, who reminded me of the images of tens of thousands of people flooding from the city center to the cemetery at the commemoration of Jîna Emin's 40th day, and asking about the atmosphere she was in that day, begins to explain: "I have been working with women for many years. I have met and talked to countless women until today. After the death of Jîna, I can say that women better understood the extent of the persecution inflicted on them. We have experienced very important things in these two months. I would like to tell a small memory. I have a female client and she has two daughters at the age of ten. They told their mother that ten years later, when they are Jîna's age, Jîna, has the mother ever thought that the same thing that happened to them could happen to them? The girls who were ten years old said this. Here in Jîna, everyone who flooded into the tomb at 40 was there so that the same thing would not happen to their children. Everyone had a question that occupied the minds of those ten-year-old girls. Many more women who took to the streets were killed. That's why the people believed that the voice of Jîna should be the voice of the family. Jîna has surpassed the family now, she has become the Jîna of every family. That's why that apocalyptic crowd gathered. This is good for what Kurds can do if they come together. It was an example."
Evînar Seqiz also reminded of the doctoral student Nesrîn Qadirî, who was severely injured by a baton hit on the head in Tehran on November 4 and was abducted by the regime on November 6 after her death and was forcibly buried in Meriwan, that every woman should be a revolutionary like Nesrîn Qadiri.
Reminding that there are organised female teachers among the teachers and that most of them were arrested in this two-month period, Evînar Seqiz made the following call: "It is my call to everyone, especially women. We must come together more to act more organised. This philosophy is also behind the Jin Jiyan Azadi slogan in Rojhilat. I want women to put their fears aside and get out of the houses they are locked in. We need to resist. However, if we women educate the next generation, we can change the male-dominated mentality. This two-month experience has also shown that we can create a serious change, especially between children and men. That's why we need to work harder."
After my interview with Evînar Seqiz, I met with Hêvî Renc Seqiz, one of the pioneers of the protests in the city. Hêvî Renc Seqiz, who I would like to learn about the feeling of the protests that started in Seqiz with Jîna Eminî, begins her words as follows: "There are many reasons that led to the rise of these objections. During the regime's 43-year life, the persecution of the people, both politically and in terms of security, and the economic crisis gradually increased. The fact that it became unbearable, even the middle class struggled to make ends meet, violence can be counted among the main reasons for the people's uprising. When the murder of Jîna Emini by Gaşt e İrshad is added to all these, the people began to think that they had no other choice but to rebel. In other words, it is a persecution that has continued uninterruptedly for 43 years. but the crud was the murder of Jîna."
Hêvî Renc Seqiz, when I asked if the murder of Jîna was a new stage in protesting in other cities of Iran even though she was a Kurd, said: "Actually, the Iranian peoples have not shown any reaction to the attacks and massacres that the Kurd has been subjected to. They evaluated their attacks against the Kurds on the basis of 'security'. Even if he did not directly approve of these attacks, he remained silent. But with Jîna, for the first time, each individual of the peoples living in these lands began to think that their own children were not safe. There is a difference between spilling and spilling. But we can say that the purpose of both leads to the same point."
Asked about the difference, Hêvî Renc Seqiz says: "They started to realize that the oppression that the Kurdish people have been subjected to is slowly turning against them. For most of them, the idea that the main issue in the country was the economy until today, but with Jîna, the real issue is the honor of each Iranian. People began to realize that neither Islahtaleb (Xatemi - the reformist wing) nor Usulgeran (Reisi and Khomeini - the strict Islamic wing) was the solution. So from time to time, contradictions arise between these two wings. In fact, both wings want to maintain the existing regime. But when the Usulgeran wing won the Presidency, some law changes were made against the Islahtaleb wing, and when the Islahtaleb wing was sitting in the Presidency, the Usulgeran wing made changes against the Usulgeran wing. And this caused an increase in the contradictions between them. Both wings tried to take over the administration. Both the oppressed and the burned became peoples. The protests were getting stronger, but there was no way to spill into the streets. The murder of Jîna and the taking of the Kurdish people to the streets showed the way for other Iranian peoples, and the peoples united around the slogan of 'Jin Jiyan Azadi'.
To my question, "How did 'Jin Jiyan Azadî' become so effective and crossed borders in a short time, it became a slogan that even the Iranians in the diaspora embraced", Hêvî Renc Seqiz replied: "The infrastructure of this idea and the efforts of the Kurdish Freedom Movement to bring it to the present are undeniable. There was also a concrete example where this philosophy came to life, which everyone saw and experienced. Rojava. The Kurdish Freedom Movement created such a model in Rojava that it became an example and inspiration for all peoples, even for feminist movements in the world. Although Iran is isolated from the world, Even though it seems like a big deal, she actually sees this and hopes that these concrete examples can come to life in their own geographies. She understands how women lead the change and embody this power. Although they are half of the society, women are well aware of the idea that women are seen as slaves, and they struggle against it. But here something else came to light. Men also saw this fact now and women Together they began to fight for the same goal. This hope has united all Iranian peoples, men and women, around the slogan of 'Jin Jiyan Azadi'."
Hêvî Renc Seqiz, who reminded me that the slogans of "Death to the dictator" rose along with the slogan "Jin Jiyan Azadî", said: "We see that a new threshold has been crossed with each uprising. We did not witness any slogans against Khamenei in the demonstrations before 2009. There was a fear. However, in 2009 and Khamenei started to find a place in the slogans, albeit a little, in the demonstrations in 2019. This fear has been completely broken in the protests that have developed in the last two months. The people are now shouting anti-Khamenei slogans everywhere. This in itself reveals the difference of this rebellion from the others. Yes, the regime did not support these protests. The counter-attacks are increasing in intensity. However, this reinforces the belief that we all need to stand up for our rights more."
Stating that the people have led the actions so far, Hêvî Renc Seqiz said: "There are organized structures in Rojhilat and from time to time these structures have sought committees to act jointly, but no result has been achieved so far. For this reason, the people gradually formed committees among themselves. We are also involved in this effort at Seqiz. We are discussing the importance of this in all the meetings we hold. People can act together without committees. It excites us that even those who have not been involved in any organisation act as if they are organised."
Reminding me that from time to time comments are made that the actions are life-saving and that they cannot achieve their goals, giving examples from Iran's past, Hêvî Renc Seqiz said: "I think that those who make these comments do not know the Iranian people and the Kurds. From time to time, they may be drawing such conclusions because the streets have calmed down, but anyway. This is the nature of the business. People can sometimes withdraw from the streets to breathe, to raise a stronger protest. But this two-month period has shown us that this is definitely not a retreat. The people are confident that they will change this system. If we remember the process leading up to the 1979 Revolution, The people started to take to the streets in 1974 and continued their protests until 1979. Sometimes they were taken off the streets for 3 months, but then they took to the streets stronger and got results. "
To my question, "The people do not want the existing system and demand its change. But what do people want instead of this regime?", Hêvî Renc Seqiz replied: "There is no proper opposition in Iran that we know. There are Sultanates, there are Republicans, there are Mujahideen of the People. However, none of them have a strong program. They have few supporters or supporters. Therefore, they do not seem to be an alternative among the people. All this also causes some parts of Iran, especially the bourgeois class, to approach the protests that have taken place in the last two months because it can't see the future and this fear makes it difficult to choose sides. However, this revolt may open a new way. For example, when the Shah was overthrown, a temporary Shura was formed. Now, especially the opposition outside of Iran has a similar search, in the name of establishing a parliament. Fascist and self-seeking parties are on this issue. The sultans are seeking to come to power again, but the majority of the people do not want them because the Shah these people also suffered a lot. The Kurdish people definitely do not want the Shah. When I think of it as a Persian, I don't want a management that will approach me from the top at the point reached. The fact that each group puts its own interests before the interests of the people also prevents the formation of a common movement. The people want all groups to come together on equal footing and act on the basis of the interests of the peoples. If this is not achieved, I fear that the defeat of the regime will be spread over time."
When I asked the level of participation of young people and high school students in the demonstrations in Seqiz, Hêvî Renc Seqiz said: "The majority of those who take part in the protest are young people. They have greater power and will. These young people are afraid of the middle-aged citizens who were directly exposed to the persecution and torture of this regime before. If we are to make a classification, close to 60 percent of those who participate in these protests are fearless youth. 20 percent of those who participate in the protests are people whose hearts are really hurt and whose souls have been wounded. These are people who have felt the heavy pressure of the state throughout their lives. In other words, they are people who we can call organised. 20 percent is the group trying to fit in with the majority."
Hêvî Renc Seqiz said: "The developments could not spread at the desired level due to the internet cuts in the country. This is a big problem for us. Wi-fi is better than telephone internet, but it is cut off completely from time to time. VPNs do not work very well. Downloading from apps is a big problem. That's why people share VPNs with each other through bluetooth or sharing programs. But these also work for a very short time. Despite this, the public keeps in touch with each other over their phones, even if it is not secure, and they are informed about the developments."
Calling on all Iranian peoples and the four parts of Kurdistan, Hêvî Renc Seqiz asked for their solidarity with the peoples who protect their dignity and finally said: "We feel the support of the people of Rojava with their mass marches. Our Bakur people also have a voice, albeit a small one. We still need the support of Başur. I hope Bakur and Başur will show the necessary support. I wish all the peoples of the world to understand that there is no difference between colored-eyed Ukrainians and black-eyed and brown-eyed us, and offer their support accordingly."